Flirttistoori lysander spooner, lysander spooner
Until they have tried the experiment for themselves, how can they have the face to impose the Constitution upon, or even to recommend it to, others?
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The only arbiter I acknowledge is the sword: That the only security men can have for their political liberty, consists in their keeping their money in their own pockets, until they have assurances, perfectly satisfactory to themselves, that it will be used as they wish it to be used, for their benefit, and not for their injury.
But this declaration involves an absurdity, a contradiction. A man is no less a slave because he is allowed to choose a new master once in a term of years. If a man wants "protection," he is competent to make his own bargains for it; and nobody has any occasion to rob him, in order to "protect" him against his will.
On the other hand, if there be no such principle as justice, or natural law, then every human being came into the world utterly destitute of rights; flirttistoori lysander spooner coming into the world destitute of rights, he must necessarily forever remain so.
The two are identical; the one necessarily implying the other. Postal rates were notoriously high in the s,  and inFlirttistoori lysander spooner founded the American Letter Mail Companywhich had offices in various cities, including BaltimorePhiladelphiaand New York.
He has not acquired impudence enough to profess to be merely a "protector," and that he takes men's money against their will, merely to enable him to "protect" those infatuated travellers, who feel perfectly able to protect themselves, or do not appreciate his peculiar system of protection.
If it be not a natural principle, all that men have ever said or written about it, from time immemorial, has been said and written about that which had no existence.
It has all the powers that it chooses to exercise.
Furthermore, having taken your money, he leaves you, as you wish him to do. He argued that the right of the states to secede derives from the natural right of slaves to be free. I am your master: But whether the Constitution really be one thing, or another, this much is dating profile description examples for women it has either authorized such a government as we have had, or has been powerless to prevent it.
And punishing a man by, or according to, the sentence or judgment of his peers, is only carrying that sentence or judgment into execution.
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He argued that "no one has yet ever dared advocate, in direct terms, so monstrous a principle as that the rich ought to be protected by law from the competition of the poor".
Your money, or your life. In the first place, they do not, like him, make themselves individually known; or, consequently, take upon themselves personally the responsibility of their acts. It is, therefore, simply and always an intrusion, an absurdity, an usurpation, and a crime. Letters were transferred to messengers in the cities along the routes who then delivered the letters to the addressees.
But the robbery is none the less a robbery on that account; and it is far more dastardly and shameful. He is too much of a gentleman to be guilty of such impostures, and insults, and villainies as these. Plainly the reason for absurd and inconsistent conduct is that they want the Constitution, not solely for any honest or legitimate use it can be of to themselves or others, but for the dishonest and illegitimate power it gives them over the persons and properties of others.
Until they have tried the experiment for themselves, how can they have the face to impose the Constitution upon, or even to recommend it to, others? He argued that various forms of government intervention in the free market made it difficult for people to start their own businesses.
But if justice be a natural principle, then it is necessarily an immutable one; and can no more be changed—by any power inferior to that which established it—than can the law of gravitation, the laws of light, the principles of mathematics, or any other natural law or principle whatever; and all attempts or assumptions, on the part of any man or body of men—whether calling themselves governments, or by any other name—to set up their own commands, wills, pleasure, or discretion, in the place of justice, as a rule of conduct for any human being, are as much an absurdity, an usurpation, and a tyranny, as would be their attempts to set up their own commands, wills, pleasure, or discretion in the place of any and all the physical, mental, and moral laws of the universe.
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If they own us as property, they are our masters, and their will is our law. The fact is that the government, like a highwayman, says to a man: He does not pretend that he has any rightful claim to your moneyor that he intends to use it for your own benefit.
If they do not own us as property, they are not our masters, and their will, as such, is of no authority over us. If I gave him absolute, irresponsible power over my property, I gave him the property. Considered as the act of the whole people, the adoption of the Constitution was the merest farce and imposture, binding upon nobody.
An open enemy, however criminal in other respects, is no traitor. His most famous work, a book titled The Unconstitutionality of Slaverywas published in The Constitution itself, then, being of no authority, on what authority does our government practically rest?
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If I made him uncontrollable by me, and irresponsible to me, he is no longer my servant, agent, attorney, or representative.
In either case it is unfit to exist. All the other so-called political principles, which men are in the habit of inventing, are not principles at all. The greatest sticklers for slavery do not claim this.
They are either the mere conceits of simpletons, who imagine they have discovered something better than truth, and justice, and universal law; or they are mere devices and pretences, to which selfish and knavish men resort as means to get fame, and power, and money.
But these are simply moral duties, of which each man must be his own judge, in each particular case, as to whether, and how, and how far, he can, or will, perform them.
Frederick Douglassoriginally a Garrisonian disunionist, later came to accept the pro-Constitution position, and cited Spooner's arguments to explain his change of mind. If I gave him absolute, irresponsible power over myself, I made him my master, and gave myself to him as a slave.
But these men who claim and exercise this absolute and irresponsible dominion over us, dare not be consistent, and claim either to be our masters, or to own us as property.
Law has always been the name of that rule or principle of justice, which protects those rights. He does not pretend that he has any rightful claim to your money, or that he intends to use it for your own benefit. He may live; but he can live only as the servant of others; compelled to perform such labor, and to perform it at such prices, as they may see fit to dictate.
And in order that he may be able to obtain it on credit, it is necessary that he be allowed to contract for such a rate of interest as will induce a man, having surplus capital, to loan it to him; for the capitalist cannot, consistently with natural law, be compelled to loan his capital against his will.
Spooner's book contributed to a controversy among abolitionists over whether the United States Constitution supported the institution of slavery.